by Brian Iselin
Europe’s innovation scene is vibrant. It leads in automotive tech, green energy, and critical dual-use technologies. Yet, for all its brilliance, the EU is leaving its doors wide open. State-sponsored actors are picking through Europe’s intellectual crown jewels, and the response has been tepid at best. This isn’t just oversight; it’s a recipe for self-inflicted damage.
Intellectual theft isn’t some spy novel plot. It’s happening now. China, for one, has a well-documented playbook. They infiltrate through “collaborations,” citing “academic freedom” while funnelling vital research home. That freedom? It’s a one-way street. They’ll champion it when it suits them and trample on it when it doesn’t. The EU should be shouting from the rooftops about sovereignty, security, and protecting its future. But it’s not.
Start with the automotive industry. Europe’s advancements in electric vehicles and autonomous driving tech are pillars of economic growth. These aren’t just gadgets; they’re engines of job creation, industry leadership, and strategic strength. Yet, foreign players have figured out how to access this goldmine through legal loopholes, cyberattacks, and shell partnerships. They replicate and outpace European progress without investing a dime in original R&D. Each day Europe drags its feet on securing these innovations, it inches closer to losing its lead in automotive excellence.
Now look at green energy. Europe has pumped resources into pioneering solar, wind, and hydrogen tech. And who’s benefiting from that? China’s rapid gains in green tech didn’t come out of nowhere. Data-sharing agreements, “cooperative” projects, and outright intellectual property theft have helped fuel their progress. The result? Europe risks becoming an innovator while others monetise and dominate. If Europe doesn’t protect its green tech investments, it’s not just market share at stake. It’s the EU’s environmental goals and energy independence.
Dual-use technology is another ticking time bomb. Think artificial intelligence, advanced materials, and autonomous systems—all vital for civilian and military purposes. The danger isn’t just about stolen blueprints. It’s that these innovations end up in hands that use them for surveillance, cyber warfare, or even direct military actions. Reports suggest that tech stolen from Europe has been routed through China and then supplied to Russia, finding its way into military applications in Ukraine. The specifics are murky—covert channels and weak end-user license checks make concrete proof hard to come by. But don’t mistake that for safety. Europe needs airtight research security, or it will keep fuelling its adversaries.
So, what’s the EU doing about all this? Whispering vague promises about “awareness-building” and tiptoeing around the issue. Across the Atlantic, the U.S. has put its foot down: strict rules, mandatory cybersecurity measures, and binding foreign disclosures. Meanwhile, Europe is content with a slow-moving patchwork of guidelines that institutions may or may not follow. That’s not security; it’s wishful thinking.
The EU needs real policies. Enough nodding along and hoping for the best.
1. Hard Security Rules: Every research institution needs strict, mandatory security protocols. Researchers should understand the risks, and every collaboration with foreign entities demands intense scrutiny. This means mandatory audits, cybersecurity drills, and a standard reporting system across Europe. Not just recommendations—rules!. Europe should take a page from the U.S. National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) and adopt a practical, consistent playbook. Research security must be treated with the same seriousness as national border security.
2. Full Disclosure and Binding Contracts: Any foreign researcher or partner should disclose every affiliation, funding source, and potential conflict of interest. But that’s not enough. Every incoming researcher should sign a legally binding commitment stating that they will not engage in data theft or IP leakage. Violate that? Termination and fines, no hesitation. This isn’t paranoia; it’s integrity. Europe needs full transparency backed by clear consequences.
3. A Central Security Authority with Real Power: Europe can’t rely on scattered guidelines. A central body is needed to enforce consistent research security standards across member states. This authority should have the power to audit, investigate, and hold institutions accountable. Weak links compromise everyone. The EU needs a unified, tough stance—a watchdog that doesn’t just bark but bites.
4. Take Cybersecurity Seriously: European research institutions are prime cyberattack targets, yet many rely on outdated protection. Local servers and old security patches won’t cut it. Every institution should embed cybersecurity from the start, with regular updates and staff training. Europe should allocate funding to ensure top-notch resources are available for universities and labs. If research data isn’t locked down, it’s as good as lost.
5. A Centre of Excellence for Research Security: The EU should fund an independent Centre of Excellence for research security. Businesses and universities need guidance, and government-led mandates often feel like overreach. A think tank-driven centre can provide expert advice, free from bureaucratic constraints, acting as a bridge between innovation and security. This isn’t just another policy idea; it’s a necessary shield for protecting what Europe has worked so hard to build.
Every hack, every stolen file, chips away at Europe’s future. The EU’s soft response makes it look naive, while others exploit its open-door policies. If Europe wants to stay in the global innovation race, it must defend its research with the same vigour it defends its borders. Research security isn’t a luxury; it’s survival.